A loosely autobiographical novel inspired by an obsession for the global fashion phenomenon and brand,Supreme. David travels with his friend Camilla from New York to Japan and England to visit every Supreme store location on the globe.Supremacistis equal parts travel diary and love story for the Internet age, where a logo replaces the crucifix. David Shapirois the creator of the hit blogPitchfork Reviews Reviews andThe World's First Perfect Zine. His first novelYou're Not Much Use to Anyonewas featured inVICE, BuzzFeed,The Village Voice, Refinery29, and blurbed by Tao Lin and Adelle Waldman. He has written for theNew Yorker, theNew York Observer, theWall Street Journal,Interview, and other venues.
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Presents a memoir of growing up with blind, African American parents, who were members of Herbert W. Armstrong's cult, the Worldwide Church of God, which believed that their members were divinely chosen and all others would soon perish in rivers of flame. The substantial membership was ruled by fear, intimidation, and threats. Anyone who dared leave would endure hardship for the remainder of this life and eternal suffering in the next, which would arrive in 1975, three years after the start of the Great Tribulation. With more than a hundred thousand members and more than $80 million (the equivalent of $265 million in today's highest) at its height, the failure of the prophecy to materialize led the then-elementary-aged author to question his faith and imagine the possibility of choosing a destiny of his own.
Addresses the concerns over reports of activities of white supremacist groups within the Montana. Based on background research, interviews, and a public meetings, it identifies the extent and basis of the problem, the characteristics of white supremacism and hate crimes, and the nature of white supremacist organizations. The problem is examined from legislative, law enforcement, human rights and community organization, Native Amer., Jewish, and univ. perspectives. Findings and recommendations are presented, along with a summary of the research. Includes examples of hate group propaganda and correspondence and relevant Montana State laws.
An unlikely journalist, a murder case in Mississippi, and a fascinating literary true crime story in the style of Jon Ronson, for fans of "Serial." A notorious white supremacist named Richard Barrett was brutally murdered in Mississippi in 2010 by a young black man named Vincent McGee. At first the murder seemed a twist on old Deep South race crimes. But then new revelations and complications came to light. Maybe it was a dispute over money rather than race—or, maybe and intriguingly, over sex. John Safran, a young white Jewish Australian documentarian, had been in Mississippi and interviewed Barrett for a film on race. When he learned of Barrett’s murder, he returned to find out what happened and became caught up in the twists and turns of the case. During his time in Mississippi, Safran got deeper and deeper into this gothic southern world, becoming entwined in the lives of those connected with the murder—white separatist frenemies, black lawyers, police investigators, oddball neighbors, the stunned families, even the killer himself. And the more he talked with them, the less simple the crime—and the people involved—seemed to be. In the end, he discovered how profoundly and indelibly complex the truth about someone’s life—and death—can be. This is a brilliant, haunting, hilarious, unsettling story about race, money, sex, and power in the modern American South from an outsider’s point of view.
Discusses the roots of white supremacy hate groups, how and why people get involved with these groups, and what can be done to combat it.
White supremacist groups have traditionally been viewed as "fringe" groups to be ignored, dismissed, or at most, observed warily. White Lies investigates the white supremacist imagination, and argues instead that the ideology of these groups is much closer to core American values than most of us would like to believe. The book explores white supremacist ideology through an analysis of over 300 publications from a variety of white supremacist organizations. It examines the discourse of these publications and the ways in which "whites," "blacks," and "Jews" are constructed within that discourse.
In this book, Andrew Brindle analyzes a corpus of texts taken from a white supremacist web forum which refer to the subject of homosexuality, drawing conclusions about the discourses of extremism and the dissemination of far-right hate speech online. The website from which Brindle’s corpus is drawn, Stormfront, has been described as the most powerful active influence in the White Nationalist movement (Kim 2005). Through a linguistic analysis of the data combining corpus linguistic methodologies and a critical discourse analysis approach, Brindle examines the language used to construct heterosexual, white masculinities, as well as posters’ representations of gay men, racial minorities and other out-groups, and how such groups are associated by the in-group. Brindle applies three types of analysis to the corpus: a corpus-driven approach centered on the study of frequency, keywords, collocation and concordance analyses; a detailed qualitative study of posts from the forum and the threads in which they are located; and a corpus-based approach which combines the corpus linguistic and qualitative analyses. The analysis of the data demonstrates a convergence of reactionary responses to not only women, gay men and lesbians, but also to racial minorities. Brindle’s findings suggest that due to the forum format of the data, topics are discussed and negotiated rather than dictated unilaterally as would be the case in a hierarchical organization. This research-based study of white supremacist discourse on the Internet facilitates understanding of hate speech and the behavior of extremist groups, with the aim of providing tools to combat elements of extremism and intolerance in society.
The 17 articles of this collection present the current state of research on various questions in the field, written by scholars at American universities. The collection begins with an overview of the work and career of James S. Coleman (d.1995) by Peter V. Marsden (sociology, Harvard U.). A sampling of other topics featured includes identity politi
The legendary FBI criminal profiler and international bestselling author of Mindhunter and The Killer Across the Table returns with this timely, relevant book that goes to the heart of extremism and domestic terrorism, examining in-depth his chilling pursuit of, and eventual prison confrontation with Joseph Paul Franklin, a White Nationalist serial killer and one of the most disturbing psychopaths he has ever encountered. Worshippers stream out of an Midwestern synagogue after sabbath services, unaware that only a hundred yards away, an expert marksman and avowed racist, antisemite and member of the Ku Klux Klan, patiently awaits, his hunting rifle at the ready. The October 8, 1977 shooting was a forerunner to the tragedies and divisiveness that plague us today. John Douglas, the FBI’s pioneering, first full-time criminal profiler, hunted the shooter—a white supremacist named Joseph Paul Franklin, whose Nazi-inspired beliefs propelled a three-year reign of terror across the United States, targeting African Americans, Jews, and interracial couples. In addition, Franklin bombed the home of Jewish leader Morris Amitay, shot and paralyzed Hustler magazine publisher Larry Flynt, and seriously wounded civil rights leader Vernon Jordan. The fugitive supported his murderous spree robbing banks in five states, from Georgia to Ohio. Douglas and his writing partner Mark Olshaker return to this disturbing case that reached the highest levels of the Bureau, which was fearful Franklin would become a presidential assassin—and haunted him for years to come as the threat of copycat domestic terrorist killers increasingly became a reality. Detailing the dogged pursuit of Franklin that employed profiling, psychology and meticulous detective work, Douglas and Olshaker relate how the case was a make-or-break test for the still-experimental behavioral science unit and revealed a new type of, determined, mission-driven serial killer whose only motivation was hate. A riveting, cautio
The emboldening of white supremacist groups, as well as their increased mainstream presence in online circles, necessitates the creation of studies that dissect their tactics and rhetoric, while offering platform-specific insights. This study seeks to address these needs by analyzing white supremacist content and framing devices on the video hosting website, YouTube. Data were collected through a multi-stage sampling technique, designed to capture a ‘snapshot’ of white supremacist content on the platform during a 45-day period in 2019. After line-by-line coding and qualitative thematic analysis, results showed that sampled channels varied between different levels of color-blindness and overt racialization in their framing. Furthermore, channels containing more color-blind approaches yielded higher subscriber counts than their counterparts. What this indicates is that sampled channels use framing to both activate racial threat and minimize race, attempting to reproduce racism while avoiding coming off as racist in the color-blind, mainstream political climate. Secondary findings also show how sampled channels (a) rhetorically bridge the gap between fascism, nationalism, hegemonic gender roles, and mainstream conservative thought; (b) reconcile the idea of political action within a perilous and conspiratorial worldview; (c) leverage interactive, visual media to engage, manage, and collect funding from their audiences. This study is unique because it unpacks the discursive intricacies of white supremacist messaging, while showing the processes by which a racist society is reproduced in the cosmopolitan, digital hub that is YouTube. It sets precedent and opens doors for future inquiry into how social media platforms are used as tools to mainstream white supremacist ideas.
Twenty years after de-segregation, in the counties of North Idaho, people did not seem to concern themselves with racial or religious injustice until it hit them in the face. Most of them may have thought that was taken care of in the 60’s, after all, Civil Rights was the Law. My friends who lived in Bonner or Kootenai counties did not become fully aware of White Supremacists until Richard G. Butler moved in and showed them exactly what hatred looked like.
The powerful story of a friendship between two men—one Sikh and one skinhead—that resulted in an outpouring of love and a mission to fight against hate. One Sikh. One former Skinhead. Together, an unusual friendship emerged out of a desire to make a difference. When white supremacist Wade Michael Page murdered six people and wounded four in a Sikh Temple in Wisconsin in 2012, Pardeep Kaleka was devastated. The temple leader, now dead, was his father. His family, who had immigrated to the U.S. from India when Pardeep was young, had done everything right. Why was this happening to him? Meanwhile, Arno Michaelis, a former skinhead and founder of one of the largest racist skinhead organizations in the world, had spent years of his life committing terrible acts in the name of white power. When he heard about the attack, waves of guilt washing over him, he knew he had to take action and fight against the very crimes he used to commit. After the Oak Creek tragedy, Arno and Pardeep worked together to start an organization called Serve 2 Unite, which works with students to create inclusive, compassionate and nonviolent climates in their schools and communities. Their story is one of triumph of love over hate, and of two men who breached a great divide to find compassion and forgiveness. With New York Times bestseller Robin Gaby Fisher telling Arno and Pardeep's story, The Gift of Our Wounds is a timely reminder of the strength of the human spirit, and the courage and compassion that reside within us all.
A careful and compelling examination of human supremacism underlies ideologies such as anti-Semitism, genocide, racism, misogyny, and cruelty to animals. Proponents of human exceptionalism claim that only humans possess certain morally significant capacities, and as a result are entitled to be treated better than members of all other species. In the last fifty years, scientists have discovered how these capacities are shared by other species, which only raises the questions of how and why we evade responsibility for inhumane behavior, not only to animals but to one another. To answer these questions, independent scholar Peter Marsh examines in depth three different ideologies: ethnonationalist supremacism (the Holocaust in Hungary), racial supremacism (the rule of King Leopold II of Belgium in the Congo), and gender-based supremacism (men’s treatment of women in Victorian and Edwardian England). He shows how supremacists applied mechanisms of moral disengagement to legitimize and evade personal responsibility for oppressing and exploiting members of a less-powerful group. Marsh then considers whether these different types of supremacism have common features and compares them to the way we treat animals to examine whether that, too, causes unjustified harm to members of a weaker group and is wrong in the same way racism, sexism, and other supremacist ideologies are. Finally, he asks the what we can do to overcome human supremacism and other supremacist ideologies, providing practical examples of cross-cultural collaboration, humane education, veganism, and extending concepts of identity beyond borders of culture, race, and nation, as Europeans have done by establishing the European Union.
- Author : Marshall A. Taylor
- Publisher : Unknown
- Release Date : 2014
- Genre : Uncategorized
- Pages : 231
- ISBN : OCLC:968212726
Using lyric data from white supremacist musicians, I build upon theories of social marking to develop emotion marking: i.e., the practice of using emotional labels to discursively differentiate social actors. Projections of shame and claims to pride are analyzed here as markers used within white supremacist discourse to differentiate movement loyalists from opposed others in relation to the state of their relative sacral bonds--that is, moral commitments to their perceived sacred social order. Borrowing from social bond theory, it is posited here that when sacral bonds are perceived to be threatened, shame is made manifest; when bonds are maintained, pride is present. White supremacists use multiple frames and discourses to mark the affective contrast between movement loyalists and opposed others. White supremacists claim pride through the maintaining of their bonds; opposed others are met with projected shame for threatening bonds, both their own and those of whites.
To understand who and what a "liberal supremacist" is... think of the "white supremacist" of the old Democratic South. The difference between a white supremacist of the old Democratic South and the liberal supremacist of today is... the white supremacist discriminated against non-whites, the liberal supremacist discriminates against conservatives. Other than that... the behavior, strategy, and politics are the same.Not all Democrats are liberals and not all liberals are supremacists. Thus, when I make reference to "liberal supremacists", I am not referring to good Democrats or good liberals... I am referring to a liberal person or organization that believes they are superior to others and encourages, promotes, finances, or engages in behavior typically associated with white supremacists, neo-Nazis, ANTIFA, and the KKK... such as intimidation, taunting, obnoxious language, violence, destruction of property, false accusation, persecution, and ballot box stuffing.Thus, the point of this book is... to create a greater awareness of the correlation between the politics and behavior of the old Democratic South and the Democratic Party of today. Stand back... look at the behavior. Does it remind you of the old Democratic South? Are they using the same oppressive political strategies as the past? Are they more focused on dividing our nation than solving problems? More importantly, are they acting in the best interest of America... or their party?Read the book. Then form your own opinions.Steven Gamelin